Deadjectival verb derivation across Romance: a specific case study

Resumen

We explore semantic and syntactic properties of a set of Romance deadjectival verbs sharing comparable (Latin-inherited) derivational morphology. We find that a continuum from minimally to maximally different semantic and syntactic (argument structure) configurations emerges across distinct Romance languages. Contrasts touch on both the semantic relevance of the verbalizer, the constructional properties delivered, and the relative role of lexically-coded scalar structures in the aspectual profile obtained. In Italian the choice of verbalizer yields a nontrivial derivational alternation, whereby verb meaning and behavior are transparently read off its morphosyntactic (derivational) makeup. This alternative is either collapsed under identical derivational compositions (Catalan, Brazilian Portuguese) in a morphologically opaque alternation between different syntactic and aspectual properties, or else unavailable (Spanish). An Italian-Spanish contrast shows the two opposite ends of the continuum (maximally distinct argument structure and aspectual behavior), an Italian-Catalan contrast offers new evidence on the existence of distinct eventive within stative types with have direct implications on aspectual behavior and transitivity. A refined vie of change of state predication and degree achievements yields a notable difference between Hispanic (Spanish, Catalan) languages (eventivity and internal-argument licensing remaining constant) vs. Italian and French.